Institutional Law and Economics: The Legal-Economic Nexus

Academic Detective Work: Writing About the Origins of a Model Recently the anniversary of the start of our MSU/Great Lakes Institutional Econ project came and went, with little fanfare other than a brief review of the past year's accomplishments during my annual review. It has always been a little weird to me to see days or months of work summarized in a few bullet points or publications. This got me thinking about all the hours researchers and academics in general can put in to even the most straight-forward seeming pieces. We call it "research", but some of the time our searching takes us well beyond the usual academic channels and requires some TV-montage-worthy sleuthing. In sub-fields like economic history or institutional economics, this is more obvious. In these fields, the ability to do some academic detective work outside of scholarly journals is a large determinant of success in the job. When writing about the origins of a model or of some line of thought, th

The concept of externality was first introduced to economics, in a formal sense, by Alfred Cecil Pigou in the book "Economics of Welfare" written in 1920 (Medema, 2017).  As Medema points out in his 2017 article, Henry Sidgwick and John Stuart Mill and even Thomas Malthus had identified the idea of externalities earlier but not the word.  From the time of Pigous's 1920 book until about the late 1950's, economists did not really use the idea of externalities.  Medema persuasively argues that it was only used tangentially by economists in developing the new welfare economics, including heavy weights such as all Paul Samuelson, Frank Knight and Abba Lerner. It was mostly used as a potential problem or foil for achieving equilibrium in competitive markets but not an important focus. It was Tibor Scitovistky (1954) who made the first important contribution to the idea that externalities were direct interdependence rather than interdependence due to the existence of mar

Last week, we discussed the issue of hospital beds and hospital bed capacity.  This has been at the heart of the debate over the Covid-19 restrictions and the need to flatten the infection curve to avoid overwhelming the capacity of hospitals.  Based on 2015 data from the Centers for Disease Control, the US and approximately 900,000 hospital beds across 5,500 hospitals.  Two-thirds of these hospitals are under 200 beds on average. Hospital beds are a rather strange economic good because of the separation of user and payer in most cases in the United States and in many countries.  The user of a hospital bed, the patient, is the consumer of the good.  The payer and the buyer of the good is typically a public or private insurance company expect in the cause of an uninsured individual.  This group includes private insurance companies such as Aetna, Kaiser or Blue Cross.  It also includes public insurance such as Medicare and Medicaid and some local government programs which are roughly

Hospital Beds as an Economic Good The building and maintenance of hospital beds is a difficult economic proposition.  Each hospital must decide within the market rules are designed by each state in the United States, how many beds make sense for that facility. Hospital beds are expensive to maintain and represent a high fixed cost.  Much of the costs of a hospital bed must be incurred regardless of actual capacity (Green, 2002) [1] .  An empty bed loses money and is not available to help cover fixed costs. Planet Money Show and Hospital Beds National Public Radio’s (NPR) show “Planet Money” recently had story about the issue of hospital bed economics.   https://www.npr.org/sections/money/ They cite during the show Prof. Zack Cooper from the Yale School of Public Health who talks about the efficiency and inefficiency of hospital beds.  Cooper states in the piece that, “If there are beds, those beds would have gotten used” and “spare capacity gets used inefficientl